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Given this state of affairs, two question immediately arise: what exactly are the positions to which Wh-phrases are moving and what the driving force behind this movement is. Rudin (1988) argues that the Wh-phrase which is the first in the linear order moves to SpecCP, while others are adjoined to IP. The movement of the first Wh-phrase can be taken to be an instance of familiar Wh-movement to SpecCP for checking of a Wh-feature in C. As far as the second Wh-phrase is concerned, however, a question immediately arises as to what the driving force for the movement of this Wh-phrase is. This question becomes even more interesting in the light of Boskovic’s (1997b, 1998b) argument that in certain cases, even the first Wh-phrase does not move to SpecCP overtly, although it is fronted. An attempt to find an answer to this question will reveal that there is a parallelism between Wh-phrases and identificationally focused material (in the sense of E. Kiss 1998) with respect to the positions they occupy in the sentence. It will be shown that identificationally focused material can undergo overt movement to certain syntactic positions, as illustrated in (2).

Multiplewh-fronting in Serbo-Croatian matrix questions and the matrix sluicing construction