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Based on a corpus of communicative immediacy texts from the sixteenth andseventeenth centuries, written by Spaniards of different social background, in thisstudy we carry out a variationist research in order to analyze the envelope ofvariation which lies behind the alternation between two infinitive modal periphrasesin classical Spanish: tener de and tener que + infinitive. The results show how thismorphosyntactic variation, far from being a case of free variation, as sometimes hasbeen maintained, is determined by several factors. Among them some of a linguisticnature stand out (aktionsart, person, time, modality sense, sentential modality),although several regularities in the distribution of data also point out towards thepotential influence of some stylistic and dialectal constraints. Moreover, the analysisof the diachronic axis allows us to observe the existence of a relevant change inprogress, not only in the gradual replacement of tener de by tener que, but also inthe explanatory relevance of certain constraints. Thus, some of the linguisticcontexts most frequent in the corpus, such as the present tense, the affirmativesentences and the 3rd person, progressively abandon their association with the moretraditional variant (tener de) in favor of tener que as time goes by. This helps tounderstand how, at the end of the classical period, tener que has already overtakenits old competitor, in a process which will be completed in the centuries to come,leaving tener de to some restricted dialectal uses in modern Spanish

studies in hispanic and lusophone linguistics

‘¿Qué tengo que/de hazer?’: variación y cambio lingüístico en el seno de las perífrasis de infinitivo a partir de textos escritos de impronta oral en el español clásico