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This paper aims to account for peculiar binding properties of non-nominative arguments of Polish psychological predicates focusing on accusative Object Experiencers (hence, OE). It has been observed that although Polish anaphors are subject oriented, they can be bound by accusative experiencers ( Bondaruk and Szymanek 2007 ;  Tajsner 2008 ;  Wiland 2016 ). At the same time, these arguments, unlike nominative subjects, are also proper antecedents for both reflexive and pronominal possessives. This mixed behaviour poses a puzzle for the traditional formulation of Binding Theory ( Chomsky 1981 ,  1986 ;  Manzini and Wexler 1987 ;  Rappaport 1986 ;  Willim 1986/1989 ;  Reinders-Machowska 1991 ), which assumes complementarity between anaphors and pronominals in their local domains and plainly states that the subject is the privileged binder in Slavic. We base our analysis on a number of recent proposals, including  Hicks (2009) ,  Safir (2014)  and  Nikolaeva (2014) , following  Hestvik (1992) . The proposal implements the concept of binding as (upward) Agree as well as Index Raising (IR), where the head of the anaphoric/pronominal element (henceforth the index) is (covertly) moved and adjoined to v or T. Lexicalisation and distribution of anaphoric and pronominal elements is determined by two factors: the movement of the index and the case position of the binder.

Binding as agree and index raising: The case of Polish accusative object experiencers