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X 0 -dependencies are known to be highly local. It has been argued that syntactic head movement can affect locality constraints. While some recent studies have revealed that verbal heads can undergo long-distance movement similar to phrasal movement, nominal categories still appear to adhere to strict locality constraints on head movement. In this context, we examine an exception, the particle  suo  in Mandarin Chinese, and explore its theoretical implications. We begin by showing that the X 0 -element  suo  exhibits a long dependency across every type of clausal boundary in Chinese, including finite ones. By placing  suo  in a typology that accommodates resumptive pronouns and Romance-type clitics, we highlight the significance of  suo ’s long dependency. Next, we argue that  suo  forms a big-DP with the relative operator; since movement of the relative operator has satisfied the locality constraint, according to Richards’ (1998. The Principle of Minimal Compliance.  Linguistic Inquiry  29. 599–629) Principle of Minimal Compliance,  suo  can have a long dependency on its underlying position. This discussion leads us to conclude that the original formulation of the Principle of Minimal Compliance needs reexamination regarding the true meaning of exemption. Once exemption from a locality condition is separated from movement itself, both the initial data for the PMC and the behaviors of  suo  are accounted for.

The particle s uo in Mandarin Chinese: a case of long X 0 -dependency and a reexamination of the Principle of Minimal Compliance