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In the Indo-Aryan language Nepali, the transitive subject A in perfective constructions is ergatively marked with the postposition  le . However, in contrast to Hindi, also Indo-Aryan,  le  can mark A in imperfective constructions. The postposition is then optional and seems to occur on a highly irregular basis. Various hypotheses have been assumed to account for this anomalous distribution; the traditional textbook hypothesis considers “emphasis” as the factor controlling the occurrence of  le . However, pure emphasis is too vague as a linguistic concept to account for all occurrences. Other accounts select different syntactic and/or semantic factors that determine the distribution of  le ; for instance,  le  would distinguish between a stage- and an individual-level predicate. An in-depth analysis of new data in Nepali shows that none of the previous accounts can predict the occurrence of  le  as a marker of A in an imperfective construction. The emphasis approach has the greatest validity among the existing explanations; however, it is shown that  le  does not simply indicate the emphasized A-argument, but rather, the argument in focus. Secondly, it is argued that  le , as a syntactic postposition associated with perfective verbs, carries over a perfective meaning to present and progressive verb constructions and adds a notion of completeness and determination to the clause.

Differential subject marking in Nepali: The agent marker le in imperfective constructions