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Across Bantu, several polysemic markers expressing progressive aspect and so-called predication focus have been reported ( Güldemann 2003 ;  Hyman and Watters 1984 ). In this article, we examine two such markers in Kikongo (Bantu, H16), i.e. the fronted-infinitive and the locative-infinitive constructions. We provide an in-depth synchronic description of the pragmatic and syntactic behaviour of both verbal constructions and suggest a historical evolution for each of them. We evoke the term ‘event-centrality’ to cover the different uses of both constructions and suggest that the fronted-infinitive construction’s progressive meaning evolved from its use as predication focus marker, and vice versa, that the locative-infinitive construction’s predication focus meaning evolved from its use as a progressive marker.

Event-centrality and the pragmatics–semantics interface in Kikongo: From predication focus to progressive aspect and vice versa